After recent arrests of a number of journalists, the European Parliament adopted a report critical of violations of press freedoms in Turkey. Among those who were arrested are investigative journalists Nedim Şık and Ahmet Şener, whose work have brought to light the infraction of rules and irregularities in the infamous Ergenekon trial as well as the infiltration of the Turkish police force by the subversive islamic sect of Fetullah Gülen, a.k.a. the Khomeini of Turkey. The secretive group,also called the Gülen movement,has a global organizational structure and pursues as a strategic goal the toppling of the secular regime in Turkey and the establishment of an Islamic caliphate.
The European Parliament “is concerned about the deterioration in freedom of the press, about certain acts of censorship and about growing self-censorship within the Turkish media, including on the Internet [and] calls on the Turkish government to uphold the principles of press freedom,” said the non-binding report penned by the European Parliament’s Turkey rapporteur, Ria Oomen-Ruijten, a Dutch Christian Democrat politician. For a full version of the article in the Turkish daily Hurriyet, please follow the link.
Two days after the publication of the report, Islamofascist Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan lashed out at the European Parliament, calling the report and its authors “imbalanced.” He added that “they [the EU] will continue writing reports and we will continue going our way,” blatantly dismissing Europe’s concern for the jailing of journalists and reporters for obviously political reasons.
12 Eylül referandumundan yüzde 58’lik bir destek alarak çıkan AKP, sekiz yıllık iktidarını sağlamlaştırma yolunda önemli bir mesafe katetti. Bürokrasi, sivil toplum kuruluşları, üniversiteler ve yargı içerisindeki AKP ve Fetullahçı örgütlenmeler, islamcı-faşist AKP iktidarının toplum ve devlet içerisinde mümkün olduğu kadar köklenmesi amacını güdüyor. Bu köklenme çabasının temelinde yatan neden, totaliter AKP’nin, görülebilir gelecek içerisinde iktidardan uzaklaşma ihtimalini sıfıra indirgeme hedefidir.
AKP’nin iktidarı kaybetmesi, iki nedenden dolayı bu parti ve onunla ittifak halinde çalışan Fetullah örgütü için kabul edilebilir bir seçenek değildir: 1. AKP’nin, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’nin kuruluşundan gelen laik, demokratik, sosyal bir hukuk devleti olma niteliğini, müslüman ümmet ve şeriat hukuku esasına dayalı, Kürt kimliğinin anayasal olarak tanındığı bir federasyona döndürme çabasının başarıya ulaşması gerekliliği, 2. İktidardan düştüğü takdirde AKP ve Fetullah örgütlenmesinin, iktidarları süresince uyguladıkları laik rejimi yıkma ve demokrasiyi yok etme yolundaki icraatları dolayısıyla kanuni takibata maruz kalacak olmalarının hemen hemen kesin olması. AKP bu sebeplerle, toplumun her kesimine, her sivil kuruluşa ve devletin her organına sızmayı ve bunları kontrol altına almayı kendi güvenliğinin garantisi için bir zorunluluk olarak görmektedir. AKP’li bir bakanın, bir süre önce dile getirdiği “Kıyıları da sarıya boyamaya başladık” söylemi de aslında bu hakimiyet çabasının bir tezahürüdür. İslamcı-faşist AKP-Fetullah cephesi, iktidar savaşında geri dönülmez bir noktaya ulaşmıştır. Bu noktadan sonra iktidarı kaybetmek, AKP-Fetullah cephesi için intihar ve yokoluş ile eşdeğerdir.
AKP bundan sonra ne yapacaktır? Kısaca, iktidarda kalmak için herşeyi! Devleti ele geçirmede büyük mesafe katetmiş olmalarına rağmen, bazı üniversiteler, Yargıtay gibi yargının bazı kesimleri ve de en önemli olmak üzere TSK gibi henüz düşmeyen kaleler mevcuttur. TSK’nın tamamen fethedilmesi, ulaşılması çok zorlu bir hedef gibi gözükmektedir. Fakat, yabancı güçler tarafından kendisine Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’ni “çözme” misyonu verilen ve her konuda bu güçler tarafından—özellikle CIA’nın maşası Fetullah örgütü vasıtasıyla—“coach” edilen AKP’nin iktidarını her halükârda korumasını garanti edecek yegâne yöntem, seçimlerin AKP lehine ‘manipüle’ edilmesi olarak ortaya çıkıyor. AKP ve Fetullah örgütü, iktidarı kaybetmemek için seçimleri kendi lehlerine neticelendirmek zorundadırlar ve bu konuda her türlü önlemi alacaklarından, her türlü hile ve desiseye başvuracaklarından en küçük bir şüphe duyulmamalıdır. Muhalafetin ise bu konuda yapacakları sınırlıdır, çünkü seçimlerin düzenlenmesi ve idaresinden sorumlu YSK ve seçim sonucunda ortaya çıkacak ihtilafların ele alınacağı yargı birimleri de AKP ve Fetullah kontrolündedir ve tarafsız hareket etmelerini beklemek aptallık olur.
Sonuç olarak, AKP’nin demokratik yöntemlerle iktidardan indirilmesi mümkün görülmemektedir. AKP’nin iktidardan düşmesi ancak TSK’nin bir müdahelesi veya Kürt sorunu dolayısıyla patlayacak bir iç savaş yoluyla olabilir. Vatansever Türk vatandaşlarının önünde iki seçenek kalıyor: görülebilir bir gelecek boyunca süren AKP iktidarında islamlaşan ve ortadoğulaşan federatif bir Türkiye, veya askeri bir müdahale ve patlayacak iç savaş sonrasında AKP-Fetullah diktasına karşı bağımsızlık savaşı.
In May 2008, I met a Europe correspondent of the Wall Street Journal on an international conference in Brussels. As we talked about the Turkish politics, he expressed his bafflement at how “biased the intellectuals and secular sections of the Turkish society were” against AKP, the Islamic ruling party which had taken over the government in a landslide victory in 2002. He thought that seculars were a bunch of corrupt elitists, contemptuous of the people and its democratically elected representatives. They were some mean fascist, anti-western bastards who for years prevented democratization of the Turkish politics and deprived the people of their freedoms. AKP, on the other hand, coming from the midst of the people and deeply-routed in Islam, promised to be the Muslim democrat alternative which would salvage this democracy-handicapped country and liberate its people from the autocratic secular yoke. Or so it seemed.
In the wake of the recent developments in Turkish foreign and domestic politics, I am not sure if that journalist who worshiped AKP as a democratic savior is biting his fingernails, but many others undoubtedly are: under AKP leadership, Turkey has just jumped out of the Western trenches and joined the ranks of anti-western, fundamentalist Islamic regimes.
The first indication of Turkey’s strategic realignment was the shameless bashing of the Israeli president, Shimon Peres, by the prime minister and AKP chairman, Tayyip Erdoğan at Davos. Yelling at President Peres, Erdoğan said “When it comes to killing, you know well how to kill,” trampling upon all decorum, let alone diplomatic norms. Next came the expulsion of Israel by Turkey from a multinational air exercise which was scheduled to be held in Central Turkey. To add insult to the injury, the fundamentalist AKP government lifted visa requirement for Syria, arch enemy of Israel and a known supporter of state-sponsored terrorism, shortly after the joint exercise incident. Turkish and Syrian ministers held a joint cabinet meeting and then symbolically removed the barrier at the border crossing. Turkish foreign minister, Ahmet Davutoğlu, the mastermind of the Islamic realignment, talked about an integration of the two countries, with a prospect of inclusion of Iraq in this alliance in the near future. Shortly thereafter, plans for military cooperation and joint exercises between Syria and Turkey were announced.
If this is not enough to prove a strategic shift in Turkey’s orientation, wait to hear more: Erdoğan expressed staunch support to Iran’s nuclear ambitions on several occasions and accused the West of making Iran a scapegoat. He called the dictator Ahmedinajad a “dear friend,” whom he, along with the Turkish President Gül, also a fellow jihadist, had rushed to congratulate upon his success in rigged June 2009 elections. He said that Iran’s nuclear activities were “totally peaceful,” Iran was “being treated unfairly,” and allegations about a nuclear weapons program were “merely a gossip.” Criticizing the US invasion in Iraq, he added that “a civilization was destroyed there.” Not quite the kind of words you would expect to hear from a key NATO ally. In October of this year, Erdoğan flew to Teheran with a massive diplomatic and trade delegation to strengthen economic and strategic ties with the terrorist regime. In November, Ahmedinajad kindly reciprocated to Erdogan’s visit by attending an Islamic summit in Istanbul.
Pictures above: Brothers in jihad, AKP leaders Erdogan and Gul shaking hands with a mass murderer and a dictator.
AKP’s courtship with terrorist countries has not been confined to Iran and Syria: Erdoğan government speedily invited the leaders of Hamas to Turkey after the 2006 election victory of the radical terror organization in Gaza. Furthermore, Sudanese mass murderer Omar Al-Bashir visited Turkey twice in recent past and was welcomed by Gül at the presidential residence in Ankara. Ridiculing the international community, Erdoğan recently denied the genocide which took place in Sudan, asserting “I did not observe any genocide during my visit in Darfur.” He went on to shamelessly defend Al-Bashir: “A Muslim cannot be a mass murderer,” as in his opinion, murderers can only be Jews and Christians. AKP’s rapprochement to Sudan’s murderous regime has an economic component in addition to the common jihadist ideology: Newspapers report increasing investments in Sudan of Turkish Islamic businessmen with close ties to AKP. Nevertheless, nobody has bothered asking Erdoğan what he thinks about the Holocaust. The answer is obvious: He will most likely deny it. As a radical Islamist, he is anti-Semitic by nature and made public his sentiments about Jews in a speech to college students: “Jews have made significant inventions in history and now they simply sit back and watch their monetary returns from these inventions grow,” which can be translated to plain English as: “Jews are a bunch of blood-sucking leaches.”
Those who are still debating whether Turkey is really changing sides or not are either blind or ignorant: Turkey, under a jihadist rule, has already joined the global Islamic revolutionary front, while U.S. and EU kept looking on as apathetic bystanders. One of the main external drivers of this realignment has been the continuous rebuttal of Turkey by the European countries in its bid to join the EU, a prospect which had served as a key factor modernizing the Turkish society. I will handle this topic separately in another article. However, no matter what the causes, the West has an enormous problem at hand now. AKP’s policies will have far-reaching and serious implications for the US and the EU on several fronts, including but not limited to national security, war against terrorism, immigration, narcotics trafficking, nuclear proliferation and energy security. Thus, while preparing to face the adverse strategic impact of Turkey’s shift in the long term, Washington and Brussels must also brace themselves for more unpleasant surprises by the radical Islamic AKP regime in the short term.