2 Haziran itibariyla, Haziran 2015 Genel Seçimlerine bir haftadan az bir süre kaldı. Çeşitli kamuoyu yoklamaları, AKP’nin oy kaybına uğrayacağı işaretini veriyor. Fakat AKP, gerçekte oy yitirse dahi, iktidarı kaybedecek mi? Daha doğrusu iktidarı kaybetmeyi göze alabilir mi? AKP ve Tayyip Erdoğan’ın, hükümet oldukları 2002 yılından bu yana uyguladıkları TC’yi dönüştürücü ve rejimi yıkıcı politikaları gözönüne alınırsa, bu sorunun yanıtı HAYIR’dır.
Tayyip Erdoğan liderliğindeki AKP’nin tüm icraatları, bildiğimiz laik, demokratik, sosyal bir hukuk devleti olan Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’ni yıkıp, yerine İslam dinine dayanan ve tüm gücün bir tek egemenin yani Erdoğan’ın elinde toplandığı bir otokrasi kurmak üzerine olmuştur. Tayyip’in ve AKP’nin yaptıklarını, bu blogda çeşitli defalar dile getirdik. Tayyip ve AKP, bütün bu icraatlarla, idam cezasını gerektiren vatana hıyanet ve Türk Ulusuna açıkça düşmanlık suçlarını işlemiştir. Bunun dışında Suriye’deki IŞİD katillerine ve Libya’daki radikal islamcı guruplara silah, para ve lojistik destek vererek, küresel çapta terörü destekleyen bir konuma düşmüştür. AKP’nin iktidardan uzaklaşması, Tayyip Erdoğan ve AKP liderliği ve bürokrasininin, adalet karşısına çıkmaları ve Türkiye’ye ve insanlığa karşı işledikleri suçlar için hesap vermeleri demek olacaktır. Bu yüzden, 2015 Haziran seçimlerinde AKP, oyu ne olursa olsun iktidarı terketmeyecektir.
Bu nedenle, 2015 genel seçimlerinin bir ferahlama ve kurtuluş getirmesini beklemek safdillik olacaktır. AKP’nin iktidardan sökülüp atılması, ancak süngü ve halkın güç kullanması yoluyla olasıdır. İnsanlık tarihinde diktatoryalar ve zorba rejimler, hiçbir zaman demokratik seçimlerle ve kendi rızalarıyla iktidarı teslim etmemişlerdir. 2015 Türkiyesi de bir istisna olmayacaktır.
Recent days have seen the tightening of the Islamic yoke of oppression on liberties and freedoms in Turkey. A famous journalist, who is a harsh critic of the Islamist AKP government and its autocratic leader Tayyip Erdoğan, has been fired from the newspaper where he used to regularly write op-ed columns. Bekir Coşkun, whose employment at Habertürk has been terminated as of September 20th, is known for his “edged satire” style. In April 2010, Prime Minister and chairman of the Islamist AK Party had demanded that publishers fire columnists who cause “chaos and disorder,” in other words, those who criticize his government (see our post at https://turkeyexposed.wordpress.com/2010/04/03/turkish-prime-minister-erdogan-orders-publishers-to-fire-columnists-who-criticize-his-islamofascist-government/).
Bekir Coşkun appears to be the first high-profile case of newspaper editors heeding the call of Erdoğan and eliminating dissenting journalists from their staff. Fatih Altaylı, who is editor-of-chief at Habertürk, is criticized for not standing up against pressure from the owner of the newspaper to fire Bekir Coşkun. Beyond being a disgrace for freedom of press in Turkey, Altaylı’s succumbing amounts to active participation in AK Party’s effort to silence the voice of opposition and will be marked as a shameful stain on history of democracy in Turkey. Commentators agree that firing of Coskun will likely prompt self-censorship amongst columnists and discourage critics from expressing opposition to government policies.
On another highly publicized occasion, a whistleblower in the national police force has been jailed on charges of aiding and abetting a leftist terror group. Hanefi Avcı, a high-level police officer who previously led groundbreaking investigations against leftist terror organizations and pioneered establishment of electronic surveillance systems in the Turkish Police, had recently published an exposé about the infiltration of the Turkish state by a surreptitious extremist Islamic sect, the Gülen movement. The religious group has grown in the last two decades from a small cadre of disciples to an empire with thousands of followers commanding hundreds of schools, economic interests measured in billions of dollars, and countless “cultural” organizations spread across the world. The leader of the sect, Fethullah Gülen, is based in a farm in rural Pennsylvania and lives under the protection of the U.S. authorities.
Gülen is known as the Khomeini of Turkey, as he advocates a silent revolution to abolish the secular regime and establish an Islamic republic in the country. He has been caught on tape advising his followers to go “deep and silent” until they take over positions of power in the Turkish state so as to remain undetected and achieve their goal of Islamic dominance. In his book titled “Haliçte Yaşayan Simonlar” in Turkish, Hanefi Avcı reveals in detail how Gülen’s followers were able to creep into the Turkish police, bureaucracy and judiciary, launch investigations and press charges based on manufactured evidence and illegal wiretapping to suppress secular opposition. Those who have been targeted with false accusations and jailed include dozens of journalists, intellectuals, academicians, former and current army officers, researchers, and many other opponents of the AK Party government. After his book’s publication, Avcı stated that he expected to soon be the target of the Islamic sect and his premonition materialized on September 29th through his arrest by the police on dubious charges of “aiding a communist terror organization,” the likes of which Avcı personally prosecuted throughout his career. The very “manufactured evidence” paradigm that Avcı brought to public attention seems to be in full swing in his own case.
Lastly, religious zealots armed with steel bars, broken bottles, and pepper sprays attacked three art galleries in an up-and-coming Istanbul neighborhood, destroying the facilities and beating dozens of art fans. Based on eyewitness reports, a crowd of forty or fifty men showed up during the opening of the new season at the art galleries, which were full with visitors, and asked the attendees to stop drinking alcohol and leave the neighborhood. Then they started to shout “Allah Akbar” and viciously assaulted the visitors by dousing their faces with pepper spray, smashing glass bottles on their heads, and repeatedly striking them with metal rods. Despite repeated calls to the emergency number, police showed up only after forty minutes. The attackers continued their assault even in the presence of the police, which made seven arrests who were later released by the public prosecutor for lack of evidence. Several art fans were hospitalized with serious injuries and the galleries have been destroyed. The governor of Istanbul Hüseyin Avni Mutlu, a pawn of the Islamofascist AK Party government and an Islamic zealot himself, dismissed the allegations that the attack was religiously motivated and claimed that it was a “commonplace dispute” that arose because visitors overflowed outside the galleries and hampered the pedestrian traffic, which caused a rift between them and neighborhood residents.
Despite seemingly rapid economic development in Turkey, democracy and civil liberties are being swiftly eradicated by the AKP government. The democracies of the Western world are turning a blind eye toward these violations and shamelessly look on as this country, which is key for the security of the West, slips into the hands of Islamic autocracy. However, today’s passive spectators are destined to face grim consequences of their apathy and hypocrisy tomorrow.
At a meeting with his party deputies, Tayyip Erdoğan, prime minister of Turkey and chairman of the Islamofascist AKP party, unleashed his anger against columnists who are critical of his government’s policies. “We will not be provoked by those media who want to portray the country as a fire scene. They (columnists) are writing such strange, such ugly articles… Are you going to help this country out or fire things up?”
Erdoğan went on to blatantly threaten publishers and owners of the news media outlets: “I am appealing to the publishers of those newspapers. You cannot say: ‘What can I do? I can’t control my columnists.’ You must tell them that they are responsible for this (turmoil).”
Erdoğan continued his hateful rant: “Nobody has a right to cause tensions and ruin the economy in this country. We (the government) can’t allow this either. You (publishers) give the paycheck to these columnists…So you have no right to complain in the future either (He means that the publishers have no right to complain when the government punishes them in the future for not controlling their columnists, just like it did by levying a multi-billion dollar tax fine against Doğuş Media Group, owner of several high-profile media outlets that have been highly critical of the AKP government).”
“How can they criticize the summit?” he asked, referring to the meeting he had with the President of the Republic and the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. “Is there such a ridiculous thing? Those who give pens to these people (columnists) should say ‘Sorry, but there is no place for you any longer in our shop.’” (For the original news report, please follow the link: http://www.ntvmsnbc.com/id/25062661/)
These words, straight from the horse’s mouth, clearly prove how much respect the leader of AKP has for freedom of press, and by extension, for democracy. The politicians, analysts, and journalists in the US and the EU, who have preferred to call AKP as a “moderate Muslim party, committed to strengthening democracy in Turkey” and have condoned its repressive policies as “necessary to abolish the antidemocratic yoke of the elitist secular establishment” should take these words to heart. Erdoğan and his thugs advocate democracy only for themselves and so long as it allows them to strengthen their autocratic Islamic rule. Democracy, as known to others with all its bells and whistles from freedom of speech and of press, to women’s and workers rights, doesn’t exist in the plans they have drafted for Turkey.
Removal of Erdoğan and his Islamofascist AKP from power is in the best interest of the Turkish democracy and also in the strategic interest of the US and the EU. His recent threats against the press are just another indication of what he has in mind for Turkey: an autocratic, repressive Islamic republic closely aligned with other theocratic dictatorships like Iran and Sudan.
In May 2008, I met a Europe correspondent of the Wall Street Journal on an international conference in Brussels. As we talked about the Turkish politics, he expressed his bafflement at how “biased the intellectuals and secular sections of the Turkish society were” against AKP, the Islamic ruling party which had taken over the government in a landslide victory in 2002. He thought that seculars were a bunch of corrupt elitists, contemptuous of the people and its democratically elected representatives. They were some mean fascist, anti-western bastards who for years prevented democratization of the Turkish politics and deprived the people of their freedoms. AKP, on the other hand, coming from the midst of the people and deeply-routed in Islam, promised to be the Muslim democrat alternative which would salvage this democracy-handicapped country and liberate its people from the autocratic secular yoke. Or so it seemed.
In the wake of the recent developments in Turkish foreign and domestic politics, I am not sure if that journalist who worshiped AKP as a democratic savior is biting his fingernails, but many others undoubtedly are: under AKP leadership, Turkey has just jumped out of the Western trenches and joined the ranks of anti-western, fundamentalist Islamic regimes.
The first indication of Turkey’s strategic realignment was the shameless bashing of the Israeli president, Shimon Peres, by the prime minister and AKP chairman, Tayyip Erdoğan at Davos. Yelling at President Peres, Erdoğan said “When it comes to killing, you know well how to kill,” trampling upon all decorum, let alone diplomatic norms. Next came the expulsion of Israel by Turkey from a multinational air exercise which was scheduled to be held in Central Turkey. To add insult to the injury, the fundamentalist AKP government lifted visa requirement for Syria, arch enemy of Israel and a known supporter of state-sponsored terrorism, shortly after the joint exercise incident. Turkish and Syrian ministers held a joint cabinet meeting and then symbolically removed the barrier at the border crossing. Turkish foreign minister, Ahmet Davutoğlu, the mastermind of the Islamic realignment, talked about an integration of the two countries, with a prospect of inclusion of Iraq in this alliance in the near future. Shortly thereafter, plans for military cooperation and joint exercises between Syria and Turkey were announced.
If this is not enough to prove a strategic shift in Turkey’s orientation, wait to hear more: Erdoğan expressed staunch support to Iran’s nuclear ambitions on several occasions and accused the West of making Iran a scapegoat. He called the dictator Ahmedinajad a “dear friend,” whom he, along with the Turkish President Gül, also a fellow jihadist, had rushed to congratulate upon his success in rigged June 2009 elections. He said that Iran’s nuclear activities were “totally peaceful,” Iran was “being treated unfairly,” and allegations about a nuclear weapons program were “merely a gossip.” Criticizing the US invasion in Iraq, he added that “a civilization was destroyed there.” Not quite the kind of words you would expect to hear from a key NATO ally. In October of this year, Erdoğan flew to Teheran with a massive diplomatic and trade delegation to strengthen economic and strategic ties with the terrorist regime. In November, Ahmedinajad kindly reciprocated to Erdogan’s visit by attending an Islamic summit in Istanbul.
Pictures above: Brothers in jihad, AKP leaders Erdogan and Gul shaking hands with a mass murderer and a dictator.
AKP’s courtship with terrorist countries has not been confined to Iran and Syria: Erdoğan government speedily invited the leaders of Hamas to Turkey after the 2006 election victory of the radical terror organization in Gaza. Furthermore, Sudanese mass murderer Omar Al-Bashir visited Turkey twice in recent past and was welcomed by Gül at the presidential residence in Ankara. Ridiculing the international community, Erdoğan recently denied the genocide which took place in Sudan, asserting “I did not observe any genocide during my visit in Darfur.” He went on to shamelessly defend Al-Bashir: “A Muslim cannot be a mass murderer,” as in his opinion, murderers can only be Jews and Christians. AKP’s rapprochement to Sudan’s murderous regime has an economic component in addition to the common jihadist ideology: Newspapers report increasing investments in Sudan of Turkish Islamic businessmen with close ties to AKP. Nevertheless, nobody has bothered asking Erdoğan what he thinks about the Holocaust. The answer is obvious: He will most likely deny it. As a radical Islamist, he is anti-Semitic by nature and made public his sentiments about Jews in a speech to college students: “Jews have made significant inventions in history and now they simply sit back and watch their monetary returns from these inventions grow,” which can be translated to plain English as: “Jews are a bunch of blood-sucking leaches.”
Those who are still debating whether Turkey is really changing sides or not are either blind or ignorant: Turkey, under a jihadist rule, has already joined the global Islamic revolutionary front, while U.S. and EU kept looking on as apathetic bystanders. One of the main external drivers of this realignment has been the continuous rebuttal of Turkey by the European countries in its bid to join the EU, a prospect which had served as a key factor modernizing the Turkish society. I will handle this topic separately in another article. However, no matter what the causes, the West has an enormous problem at hand now. AKP’s policies will have far-reaching and serious implications for the US and the EU on several fronts, including but not limited to national security, war against terrorism, immigration, narcotics trafficking, nuclear proliferation and energy security. Thus, while preparing to face the adverse strategic impact of Turkey’s shift in the long term, Washington and Brussels must also brace themselves for more unpleasant surprises by the radical Islamic AKP regime in the short term.